“White Hoods Behind the Walls?”
An Exposé on KKK Influence, Crossroads Correctional Center, and the Arrests No One Wants to Talk About
Exposing fraud, framing, and prison based income.
By White Rabbit — Investigative Feature, recent interview at SpringHill Suites (Mariott, Dayton OH)
For years, Missouri’s Crossroads Correctional Center (CRCC) has been known for overcrowding, chronic understaffing, and the explosive 2018 prison riot that left the facility in lockdown for months. But beneath the official narrative of “disturbance and discipline,” a far more unsettling story is emerging — one whispered by prisoners, hinted at by guards, and, in rare moments, admitted by people who once operated within America’s oldest white-supremacist movement.
Over the past several months, I interviewed multiple individuals who identify as current or former members of the Ku Klux Klan, each claiming that white-supremacist ideology — and sometimes personnel — circulate through parts of Missouri’s corrections system, including CRCC. Their testimonies do not all agree, and none (on their own) prove systemic infiltration. But taken together, they reveal patterns, motives, and opportunities that merit public scrutiny.
This exposé lays out what these individuals allege, how their claims intersect with documented events at CRCC, and the structural vulnerabilities that could allow such influence to take root.
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1. “We’ve always had boys on the inside.”
Allegations from KKK interviewees
Each interviewee was clear about one thing: the KKK of today is not the robed mass-movement of the past. Its influence operates through loose networks, not formal chapters, and many adherents embed themselves in places where authority can be leveraged quietly.
Among the allegations repeatedly made:
• “Corrections has always been fertile ground.”
Several interviewees claimed that individual Klan sympathizers seek employment in corrections — not through centralized KKK orders, but through personal motivation.
“A badge and a uniform… that’s power. Some boys join corrections because they know they’ll be dealing with the type of people they want locked away.”
— Former KKK affiliate, interviewed August 2024
• “Crossroads had people friendly to the cause.”
Two interviewees claimed CRCC was “notorious” within their circles for having staff who shared white-supremacist views, though names were provided, there were no evidentiary claims or documents.
• “Some arrests made after the riot were no accident.”
A recurring allegation was that inmate leaders who challenged racist staff were disproportionately targeted for charges after the 2018 riot.
One interviewee stated:
“You think those indictments were random? No. They made sure certain people didn’t walk free again.”
These claims cannot be verified without internal documents or whistleblower testimony — but they do align with what many families and inmates described as selective discipline in the aftermath.
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2. What the public record shows — and where the gaps are
To date, no public documents confirm organized KKK influence at CRCC. What is documented, however, creates a suspicious backdrop:
• CRCC was in a state of collapse in 2018.
Staffing was at crisis levels, leaving entire wings unsupervised for long stretches — prime conditions for both gang dominance and ideological infiltration.
• Missouri prisons have a documented history of racial discrimination cases.
Including lawsuits alleging racially motivated discipline or harassment. These cases do not reference KKK involvement directly, but they do show racial bias embedded in institutional practice.
• Extremist infiltration of corrections is a known national issue.
Federal investigations in other states have confirmed cases where white-supremacist members or sympathizers were employed as guards or used for influence.
• CRCC’s post-riot indictments were unusually broad.
Dozens were charged with crimes ranging from property destruction to “unlawful activity” based on shaky evidence, heavy reliance on confidential informants, and inconsistent video footage.
Families called it a purge.
The state called it the restoration of order.
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3. Patterns that align with the interviewees’ allegations
Even without direct proof of KKK orchestration, several overlapping patterns match what your interviewees described:
A. Disproportionate targeting of certain inmates
Many prisoners charged after the riot were those known for filing grievances or challenging staff treatment — particularly minority inmates.
B. Racialized behavior among staff
Multiple lawsuits, grievances, and family testimonies cite racially charged language or behavior from CRCC employees in the years before and after the riot.
C. High turnover and poor screening
Missouri corrections has one of the highest turnover rates in the country. Rapid hiring, low pay, and understaffing create openings for ideologically motivated applicants to slip through.
D. Silence and retaliation culture
Staff whistleblowers describe a strong pressure to “keep problems in-house.” Such cultures are historically vulnerable to extremist subcultures.
E. The “informant economy” after the riot
Following the disturbance, prosecutors leaned heavily on inmate informants — some of whom admitted being pressured to name “troublemakers.”
This system is highly susceptible to bias.
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4. What the interviewees described as “the objective”
Every KKK-affiliated source agreed on what they believe the broader goal is — whether or not CRCC specifically was part of it:
• Keeping certain populations incarcerated longer
White-supremacist ideology often views incarceration as a tool to “contain” perceived threats.
• Punishing inmates who challenge authority
Interviewees claimed those who “don’t know their place” draw particular ire.
• Normalizing bias inside the justice system
Even without formal orders, individual actors can contribute to patterns of discrimination simply through exercising discretion — in discipline, recommendations, or testimony.
None of this proves a coordinated conspiracy.
But all of it shows how white-supremacist ideology can thrive in environments with little oversight.
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5. The open questions that Missouri refuses to answer
- Officer Keith, CRCC intake declined to comment.
The Missouri Department of Corrections declined multiple interview requests for this story. And so the key unanswered questions remain:
1. Does MDOC track extremist affiliations among applicants or current staff?
Most states do not — despite FBI warnings.
2. How many CRCC employees have been disciplined for racist conduct?
The department will not release personnel findings.
3. Why were post-riot indictments largely based on informant testimony?
Especially when video evidence was incomplete or missing?
4. Has any independent body examined bias in CRCC disciplinary decisions?
No external investigation has been conducted.
5. Will Missouri allow a full review of the riot’s aftermath?
So far, the answer is no.
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6. What the evidence suggests so far
Based on interviewee testimony, inmate accounts, documented lawsuits, and the structural conditions inside CRCC:
It is plausible that individual white-supremacist sympathizers operated inside or around CRCC.
Given national patterns, this would not be unusual.
It is possible that some post-riot arrests disproportionately targeted minority inmates or those disliked by certain staff.
Patterns of discipline support this possibility.
It is unproven — but not impossible — that individuals with KKK ties influenced internal decisions.
There is no verified paper evidence of formal KKK organizational infiltration of CRCC.
If it occurred, it left no documented trail accessible to the public.
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7. Why this story matters now
Prisons operate in the shadows.
White-supremacist groups thrive in the shadows.
The combination is combustible.
"When someone loses liberty, the state gains extraordinary power. Oversight prevents the misuse of that power — but only if oversight exists."
Missouri’s prisons are deeply understaffed, under-scrutinized, and structurally vulnerable. Whether or not the KKK directly infiltrated CRCC, the conditions for ideological abuse absolutely exist, and the public has a right to demand answers.
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